Plate

51 Officer, greycoat regt.. Parliamentary foot

52 Fifar. Parliamentary foot

53 Drummer. Parliamentary foot

The greycoal officer wears a uniform of which the cut, shape of hat, si dear m and very voluminous sash are taken from one of the ligures shown on the Farndon Church window His gloves have fringed cuffs, turned back onto ihe hand.

The drummer's traditional rôle was like that of the cavalry trumpeter: to convey orders by drum beat (Turner noted that a proficient drummer should be able to beat a 'Gathering', march, alarm, charge, retreat. Travaille or Dian' and Taptoo") and to carry a message wittily to an enemy' ' Among marches in use was the ancient English March", dating probablv from the Hundred Years War. which Chartes I ordered to be resurrected in 1632 The French Marshal Biron said this tune, beaten on a drum, was slow, heavy and sluggish: That may be', replied Sir Roger Williams, 'but slow as it is. it has traversed your master's country from one end to the otherl'5. Fifers occupied a less important place. Turner remarking that With us any Captain may keep a Piper in his Company, and maintain hrm too. for no pay is allowed him. perhaps just as much as he deserueth'3. but he is in error in stating that 'here as home was ac know led g no such Creature' as Orummer-Major *. as drum-majors are mentioned before, during and after the Civil War

Musicians traditionally wore elaborately - laced uniforms; for example, in 1587-8 Norwich purchased for their drummer a green kersey coat with eleven yards of lace and Six yards of pointing', and speni 10s. on five yards of green and white Levant taffeia for their flute player, but few contemporary pictures are extant, the drummer and fifer portrayed in the Famdon window are copied from French engravings. Two carved figures from the staircase of Cromwell House. Highgate, show musicians wearing short coats open at the front, the fifer wilh a hat and the drummer wearing a cap similar to that illustrated. probably a type of montero wilh folded peak. The one extant picture of a Civil War drum, shown in the portrait of the King and Sir Edward Walker upon which Plate 2 is based in part, shows a brown wooden shell decorated wrth brass nails, red rims, and a coloured painting ol the Royal Arms on the front, perhaps indicating that it belonged to the Lifeguard Drums were usually canted on a sling as illustrated, with the skin almost vertical. The Cromwell House filer carries a fife case on the right hip, slung from a shoulder bell

MOTES i Turner, p. 119 ; (Iroic, vol. II. p. 44 ] Turner, p. It9

4 Ibid., p which Newcastle headed (Sir John Mctham's corps of gentlemen-volunteers). This anonymous, gallant man stood-off the Marquis of Newcastle but fell beneath the weight of the troop. At the same time, or just after.

Lucas made repeated charges against the Allied foot on the right, until he was unhorsed and taken prisoner

With his centre apparently shattered and his right under what seemed intolerable pressure, Levcn decided the day was lost and quit the field, as did Lord Fairfax; and on the left. Rupert's counterattack fell upon Cromwell's men at a time when they were probably without their commandcr. who may have retired to have a wound dressed. There is still doubt about Cromwell's part in the action, and even the nature of his wound, some saying that he was accidentally shot in the neck by one of his own men. Whatever his injury', several witnesses testified to his absence, and that his troops were led either by David Leslie or Laurence Crawford. Denzil Holies' Memoirs, written by a man who detested Cromwelll repeats a story that, at the critical moment, Crawford roundly cursed Cromwell's troopers for their inactivity, whereupon Cromwell appeared, 'and in a pitiful voice said, "Major General, what shall I do?'". Crawford replied, 'Sir, if you charge not all is lost', whereupon Cromwell indicated his wound (Holies says a pistol burn) and left Crawford to lead the charge". Holies' antipathy to Cromwell clearly puts this story in some doubt, at least to the degree if not the fact of Cromwell's absence. Whatever the case, Rupert's counterattack failed largely as a result of being charged in the flank by David Leslie's horse (Cromwell's reserve), which Cromwell somewhat ungraciously mentioned only as 'a few Scots in our rear' in a letter to his brother-in-law. Colonel Valentine Walton (in which he also communicated the following piece of news; 'Sir, God hath taken away your eldest Son by a cannon-shot. It brake his leg. We were necessitated to have it cut off, whereof he died", a message not as terse as sometimes quoted, for he paid great tribute to the young man in the remainder of the letter). Whatever the truth of Cromwell's absence, however, he did ensure that not all his horse pursued the broken Royal regiments, but formed up in close order to menace the Royal foot in the centre, who were withdrawing following the patching up of the Allied centre.

As night came on, fugitives from both sides were scurrying away panic-stricken; both commanders were out of action, Lcven having fled and Rupert, cut off even from his Lifeguard, hiding in a beanficld. The Royal foot was still largely intact and Goring had a body of horse with him on their left, whilst in the centre Manchester, alone of the three Allied commanders, held his place gamely. Despairing of retrieving the Allied right, Sir Thomas Fairfax took from his hat the 'field sign' (a piece of paper or white handkerchief used to distinguish friend from foe and rode the length of the battlefield to Cromwell's horse, perhaps taking with him the remnants of his own command, including some Scottish lancers. Thus reinforced, the left-wing horse supported the centre as the Allied army wheeled east and struck the Royal foot, Cromwell apparently passing

The First Civil War 1644

Heads ol pole arms pamian and curved scythe-like instrument, probably adapted from an agricultural tool

18th Century Partizan Weapon
Head of partizan. or leading staff

along what ha J been the rear of the Royal position to smash Goring's command and drive it from the field. He then turned and slammed into the rear of the Royal foot, already under pressure from the Allied foot. Not all were routed; Newcastle's Whitecoats and a regiment of grecncoats iB rough ton's or Tillier's regiment) fought bravely, the Whitecoats making an incredible 'last stand' in White Sykc Close, a ditchcd enclosure, refusing quarter until, after an hour's futile resistance, they were ail but annihilated.

By 11 p.m. the fires of battle were extinguished and the Earl of Manchester, the only Allied commandcr to stand his ground, was touring his victorious but shattered forces. His men were exhausted and famished but called that they would wait three days longer for sustenance if he would stay with them; in his own way the quiet, gentle commander of the Eastern Association was something of a leader. The captive Sir Charles Lucas passed over the field, identifying the corpscs of his friends, saying 'Alas for King Charles. Unhappy King Charles', It was said that 4,550 men were buried in White Sykc Close. Next morning the wife of Colonel Charles Towneley, a Lancashire Royalist, came to look for his body. A Roundhead officer begged her to leave the scenc of such carnage, where she could find only distress, and gave her a trooper to take her to safety. She later discovered that the officer was Oliver Cromwell; the hard exterior masked a heart.

Scoutmaster Watson of Manchester's army thought

Heads ol pole arms pamian and curved scythe-like instrument, probably adapted from an agricultural tool that the final charge at Alarston Moor had decided the business of the kingdom. Perhaps ii had, for the north was lost to the King. Rupert gathered what horse he could and departed, leaving the veteran governor of York, Sir "ITiomas Glemham, to hold out for as long as he could; he capitulated on t6 July. The Marquis of Newcastle, having expended a fortune and fought nobly for his king, quitted the war altogether, taking ship at Scarborough for Hamburg rather than 'endure ye laughter of ye Court'10. With him gone, there was no-one left capable of rallying Royal support in the north.

Charles I was in pursuit of Essex when he learned of the catastrophe. Given his letter stressing the value of York, it was difficult to understand why such disaster had occurred, but it probably added urgency to the King's campaign to destroy Essex. With the north gone (though Glemham*s garrison was to be allowed to march out unimpeded to Chester), a victory in the south was imperative to attempt to redress the balance. Additional pressure might be put upon (he Scottish alliance if Montrose could cause sufficient trouble in Scotland to compel the recall of their army from England, but when he met Rupert at Richmond two days after Marston Moor, Montrose was able to extract nothing from the despondent Prince, though he begged for t ,000 horse to take into Scotland.

On 23 July Essex reached Tavistock and wrote to the Committee of Both Kingdoms that he was intending to relieve the Parliamentary garrison of Plymouth, and

I HH ENGI isn Civit. WAR

hoping thai Waller wits following the King. After relieving Plymouth he had a choice; face the King or advance into Cornwall. Essex chose Cornwall, believing that the county would turn against the King and that the southwest could thus be cleared of Royalists. As Essex advanced, with Warwick's fleet cooperating offshore, he probably had 10.000 men, deducting troops left in garrison. The King, including the forces of Prince Maurice and the local Royalist leader Sir Richard Grecvile, could muster about twice that number Essex pushed on into Cornwall, Grenvile retiring before him, but with the King at his heels. Essex hoped to capture Truro and Ealmouth .the latter being one of the few contacts between the Royalists and the continent now that Newcastle was unusable, and the port from which was exported the tin which helped to buy the necessary munitions for the Royal war effort but as this was no longer practical he withdrew to Lostwithiel in the hope of being «supplied - or evacuated - by Warwick's fleet via the port of Fbwey. But due to contrary winds, Warwick never arrived. With empty sea ai his back, short of provisions and in a hostile land for the Cornish had not risen for Parliament 1, Essex's future was bleak. His only hope was to hold the King long enough for a relief force to break through and sandwich the Royal forces, but the necessity of holding Kith Fowey and sufficient land for his army to live off stretched his resources too thinly.

At this iunciure a minor crisis occurred in the Royal command, for Baron Wilmot. Licutenant-Gencral of the King's Horse, had been urging that negotiations be opened with Essex, and Parliament, to put an end to the

Pikeman and musketeer in Civil War costume {from 18th-century document of Honourable Artillery Company)

Pikeman and musketeer in Civil War costume {from 18th-century document of Honourable Artillery Company)

New Seal Royal Command Thailand

54 Musketeer, bluecoat regt , Royalist foot

55 Pikeman. greencoat regi , Royalist foot

56 Pikeman. yellowcoat regt.. Royalist foot

The musketeer wears 3 cloth cap. probably a type of montero. in a colour matching his coat, a practice which is suggested by several contomporary references. His buff-coat is really only 3 short terkin. and his short sword typical of those carried by musketeers but upon which critics like Turner poured scorn 'the Butt end of theit Musket may do an enemy more hurt than these despicable Swords' *. He cairies a modern looking firelock with a carved bun like one of those in the Oxford collection, and has the cartridge tubes of his bandolier painted red Bolh he and the greencoat have a sprig of foliage in then hats as a field sign

The greencoat from a regiment such as Broughton's or Tillier's Irish, has buff-leather lining to his armour instead of a buff-coat, and carries a bag resembling a sack with a strap attached ai top and bottom, an alternative 10 the satchel-iype knapsack. He bears his pike levelled at shoulder height in the normal posture for both attack and defence and known as 'Charge your Pike' The yellowcoat. wearing 3 more classic pike armour including tassels and helmet, is in the posture of preparing to receive 3 charge of cavalry, crouching with the pike braced against the right instep, the head ai horse s-breast level, and sword hall-drawn

NOTES 1 Turner, p. ijj war. Wilmot was a hard drinker and a haughly character, but was a capable officer and never allowed his drink to interfere with business. His remarks on negotiation, however, led to his arrest for treason and his replace-mem by Goring, whose immoderate drinking probably did affect his work.

Waller sent a small relief force of 2,000 horse under Licutenant-Gencral Middleton to help Essex, but it was repelled at Bridgwater. As the Royalist ring tightened around Essex it was obvious that his army was doomed, and on the night of 29/30 August Sir William Balfour broke out of the encirclement with 2.000 horse, reaching the Parliamentary garrison at Plymouth with the loss of only some 100 men. a considerable achievement. An aiiempt to retire on Fowey, where Warwick's ships might arrive, met with little success despite a valiant rearguard action by the veteran Skippon, and Essex decided to leave his army in its hopeless position, for as Parliament's commander-in-chief his capture would only aggravate the disaster. Leaving by fishing boat for Plymouth, Essex turned over his command to Skippon. who proposed a last attempt to cut his way out, but his regimental commanders reported that their troops were too exhausted. On 2 September the surviving 6,000 Parliamentary troops surrendered on generous terms, the

Montero Cap Pikeman

54 Muskelesf. Royalist bluecoat regt.

56 Pike man, Hoyalisl yellowcoa! rug<

Pike Troops

Pikeman s corselet with tassets. tearing armourers' marks of Commonwealth period, proving the continued use of tassets, though unpopular during the Civil War (Wallis 6 Wallis)

King being anxious to settle the matter before Parliamentary reinforcements might arrive in his rear. The defeated army surrendered their weapons except the officers) but was allowed to march away on the proviso that thev should not take up arms until reaching the Parliamentary garrisons of Portsmouth or Southampton. In a terrible march, the exhausted soldiers fell prey to angry civilians at Lostwithiel i who took most of their clothing) and, half-starved, large numbers perished from exposure. Clarendon claims that not a third of the army reached safety, but this may be an exaggeration; estimates vary from 4,000 to only 1,000 survivors. Essex reached Plymouth before Balfour's escaped horse, and was soon in London where his presence was greeted with relief.

The remnants of the Royal army in the north comprised some 3,000 in Cumberland and Westmorland, and Rupert with about 5,000 horse at Chester. Thus presented with little threat, the victorious Marston Moor army broke up, Leven to besiege Newcastle (which city presented a threat to his communications with Scotland/, Fairfax to reduce Koval strongholds in Yorkshire, and Manchester to protect his own Eastern Association. The Committee of Both Kingdoms urged Manchester to at tack Rupert in Chester, but he declined as his army had been badly mauled, and in any case his Association would refuse to support the army if it could no longer protect its home. Manchester, however, moved south shortly after Rupert took the same direction.

Leaving Plymouth blockaded, the King started his return to Oxford where his exhausted army might recuperate; they had been marching for almost half a year, were under-fed, unpaid and dispirited, and the horse were upset by Wilmot's dismissal. By the end of September Rupert had arrived to present a personal account of Marston Moor; the King ordered him to take his 2,000 horse and around 2x00 foot from Wales into Gloucestershire, hoping this would cause the Parliamentary command to divide its forces, for now Waller, Essex and Manchester were hoping to unite. On 15 September the King's army reached Salisbury, the horse 'most lamentable spectacles' according to the agents of the Parliamentary Scoutmaster-General Sir Samuel Luke. At Salisbury the King learned thai Waller was at Andovcr, Manehesier was approaching Reading with 5,000 troops and awaiting four London regiments, and thai Essex's 3,000 were near Portsmouth. Rupert was still collecting his forces and it appeared doubtful that he could be of immediate help to his uncle; however. Parliament's forces were slow to concentrate. Manchester delaying as Royal marauders were at large in Lincolnshire, which Manchester's army-was supposed to protect.

Instead of retiring to Oxford, the King apparently persuaded by Goring decided to attack his nearest enemy in the hope of defeating the opposing armies in

Pikeman s corselet with tassets. tearing armourers' marks of Commonwealth period, proving the continued use of tassets, though unpopular during the Civil War (Wallis 6 Wallis)

detail. He chased Waller out of Andoveron 18 October, but the Roundhead escaped to join Manchester at Basingstoke. Charles had hoped to relieve the Royal garrison of Rasing House, but on 21 October Essex joined Manchester in the vicinity, making relief impossible without fighting a major action. On 22 October Charles marched towards Newbury, already the site of one battle. The Committee of Both Kingdoms had appointed no overall commander, but left the campaign in the hands of a council of war. which in effect gave Manchester the command as Essex was ill.

At Newbury the King's army was well deployed, resting upon three strongpoints, Shaw House, Donnington Castle (held bv the Royalists for over a year/ and Speen village. The King commanded in person, with old Lord Forth 1 now Brentford) his deputy, Hopton in command of the artillery, Goring the horse and Astley the foot of the Oxford army; Prince Maurice was also present with pan of his western army. Despite the advantage of numbers (perhaps around 17,000 to Charles* 10,000), the Parliamentary commanders decided not to risk a frontal assault on the Royal position, but embarked upon an enterprising but dangerous manoeuvre: the army was to divide, Waller to perform a circuitous march at night to attack the King from the rear, whilst Manchester would storm the Shaw House area of the Royal line, it was a plan fraught with danger, for if Waller's force were discovered the King could have overwhelmed Manchester before having to face Waller. Nevertheless, Waller set off on the evening of 26 October, swung past the Royal left and, though seen by Royalist scouts, some inept i tude allowed him to pass without impediment; nor was the King's army warned of the danger to the rear. At about 3 p.m. Waller's attack fell on Speen village, taking Maurice's troops completely by surprise; aided by the guns of Donnington Castle they put up a good defence until finally ejected. Maurice's horse was scattered, but Goring's horse repelled first Waller's right-wing horse ■,under Balfour) and. as it came up, his left (under Cromwell). Manchester, whose rroops had been engaged in desultory fighting before Shaw House since daybreak, was apparently unable to recognize the noise of Waller's attack for what it was, and delayed his own assault until about 4 p.m., when it ran out of steam before Shaw House could be stormed.

By nightfall the fighting subsided, both sides thinking themselves beaten. As a Parliamentary attack the following day might have been successful, the King retired during the night, going to Bath to inform Rupert of the situation, leaving Maurice and Astley to extricate the army. The Roundheads were not even able to occupy Donnington Castle, much less prevent the retreat of the Royalists to Oxford. Combined with the disaster at Lostwithicl, this battle proved that Parliament needed a totally reorganized army and, perhaps, more determined leaders.

Before leaving the campaigning season of 1644 with an account of Montrose's actions after Rupert refused to help him following Mars ion Moor, it is necessary to sketch events in Ireland during the first years of the Civil War. Internal warfare had been in progress some time before the war in England; less clear-cut than the Civil War, aims and allies varied with circumstance. It began with a rebellion in October 1641 by the native Irish and 'Old English' Catholics (i.e. descendents of the English settlers against the Protestant government; war in England divided the government of Ireland between Royal and Parliamentary factions, and the Scois in the north-east followed their own line. The King's Lieutenant-General in Ireland, the Marquis of Ormonde, had insufficient forces to control the guerrilla tactics of the Irish, and by the outbreak of war in England the rebels had won almost all of Cork and Limerick; the Scots in the north controlled the

Usaffe Luzon Guerrilla Army Forces
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