Worked answer

*4. [You might plan this answer by making a table of 'Advantages' and 'Disadvantages' from the two sources. Your further reading may enable you to validate what each states.]

In Aragón, the primary locus of Source D, there were about 450 collectives, some of the most thoroughly researched in Spain. The Frenchman Gaston Leval, author of this source, was a pioneering first-hand witness. His language, especially in the first paragraph (and the critical use of inverted commas in the second paragraph), reflects his own deep commitment to the anarchist cause. For a balanced evaluation of collectivization one would therefore need to look further afield. However, Leval reliably describes the circumstances in which Aragón collectives were established, and a significant contrast is made between what Leval sees as 'dictated' and 'democratic' collectives. Also requiring evaluation would be Leval's reference (first paragraph) to 'such results'. Moreover, in Source D there is no sense of change through time, although elsewhere Leval does allude to the attack on collectives made by the Communists in 1937 - a process completed in Aragón by Franco's Nationalists in 1938. (A 'fundamental law' of the Communists and their supporters was that defeating fascism was the priority: collectivization would not win the war.)

In Source E, Dos Passos provides his own personal profile of Fuentidueña, a village east of Madrid which featured in the film The Spanish Earth. Insights offered in Source E include: the role and powers of the Casa del Pueblo; the inference that the Municipal Council continued to exist (also evident elsewhere); that there were two collectives, one UGT and one CNT, and that there was a modus vivendi between the two; that they were general village collectives, rather than just agricultural; that money continued to exist (in some collectives it was abolished); and that, in practice, egalitarianism fell short. Thus women were paid less than men. Dos Passos does not spell out why, nor is it clear how the collectives' wages stood compared to the rest of Madrid Province or Spain as a whole. (In fact, collective wages for working couples in the Madrid area were the highest in Spain.)

Both Sources D and E provide primary evidence of collectivization in Spain. However, further research would be needed on, for example, increases or decreases in production, industrial collectives and how opposition to collectives expressed itself. Both Sources D and E refer to the violence which preceded collectivization ('wrested'; 'overcome'; 'shot'), but neither to the coercion which sometimes accompanied it nor the anti-collective organizations supported by the PCE, PSUC and Catalan Esquerra (Left) Party.

Figure 1 All youth united for the Fatherland. A poster issued in Valencia by the Propaganda Secretariat of the Juventudes Socialistas Unificadas (JSU). c. 100 X 70 cm.

Source: V & A Picture Library

Figure 1 All youth united for the Fatherland. A poster issued in Valencia by the Propaganda Secretariat of the Juventudes Socialistas Unificadas (JSU). c. 100 X 70 cm.

Source: V & A Picture Library

Figure 2 KULTUR! Fascist barbarism in Madrid. A poster issued by the Propaganda Section of the CNT-AIT National Committee and published in several language editions. c. 100 X 70 cm.

Source: V & A Picture Library

Figure 2 KULTUR! Fascist barbarism in Madrid. A poster issued by the Propaganda Section of the CNT-AIT National Committee and published in several language editions. c. 100 X 70 cm.

Source: V & A Picture Library

Figure 3 The claw of the Italian invader grasps to enslave us. A poster issued by the Madrid Defence Junta (Propaganda and Press Branch), 1937. c. l00 X 70 cm.

Source: V & A Picture Library

Figure 3 The claw of the Italian invader grasps to enslave us. A poster issued by the Madrid Defence Junta (Propaganda and Press Branch), 1937. c. l00 X 70 cm.

Source: V & A Picture Library

INTERVENTION AND NON-INTERVENTION: IDEALISM OR EXPEDIENCY?

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